Recently in Public Policy Category

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The Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission has finally come clean. After all the pushing and pulling about consumer privacy, he has spilled the beans on what really irks him about the Internet: He doesn’t like cookies. Recently, on C-SPAN’s The Communicators, FTC Chair Jon Leibowitz, in dismissing our argument that the Commission’s push for browser controls over data would involve the “re-architecting” of the World Wide Web, described the IAB as a “lobbying organization for companies that like to put third-party cookies in consumers’ computers, so they’re doing what they do.”

Then last week, Chairman Leibowitz indicated he had inside knowledge about the inner workings of the interactive industry. “There is a schism brewing within the Internet advertising community and perhaps even within the IAB” on the subject of third parties, he told The Huffington Post.

Actually, the FTC Chair doesn’t know the half of it. The IAB is indeed a lobbying organization—not just for companies that place third party cookies on peoples’ computers, but for every major first-party publisher on the Internet as well—from the A&E Television Network to Zillow.com, with several hundred in-between. And I assure you, there is no schism within the IAB when it comes to cookies and their crucial role in the architecture of the Internet. Just to make sure, we asked them. Here is what a cross-section of IAB members told us cookies allow them to do for their advertisers and their consumers:

“First and foremost, cookies allow Univision dot com to capture and analyze information on our users interests thus guiding our content creation and web site navigation so our users find the information and content they seek and enjoy.”

      - Jim L’Heureux, Univision.com

“AOL uses cookies to remember things for our users, such as location for weather information; with advertising, we’ll use cookies to limit the amount of times the same ad is shown to a person.”

      - Chuck Gafvert, AOL

“Third-party cookies allow me to employ four people and I’m hiring 10 more. How many businesses are you aware of in this economy doing that? They also allow me to deliver highly targeted solutions, in the form of quality products and service providers, to the 55,000 consumers that visit my AsktheBuilder.com site each day.”

      - Tim Carter, AskTheBuilder.com

“Cookies allow us to ensure that consumers receive relevant and customized ads without the use of personally identifiable information.”

      - Chris Pirrone, Traffic Marketplace Display

“If it were not for cookies, our registered users would have to enter their log-in and password every time they come to our websites and try to access valued content. Imagine having to do so several times a day after reading your favorite newsletters and trying to access some research, white papers, profile settings and more.”

      - Carine Roman, ZiffDavisEnterprise.com

“Using HTTP cookies, we can calculate: Total audience size, audience turnover, user frequency histogram over a period of time, user lifetime histogram, day-to-day audience overlap and site-to-site audience overlap”

      - Michael Griffiths, SpotXchange.com

“Cookies are an important core Internet browser technology, comparable to your barber recognizing you each time you visit, that enables sites like ours to efficiently deliver a growing suite of services based on the ability to know and remember our users between visits.”

      - Bill Irvine, TheAboveNetwork.com

“Cookies enable us to keep content and advertising relevant to consumers both in terms of content and timing, and they ensure the delivery of this content and advertising without compromising anyone’s privacy.  Unlike traditional media, interactive media need not know a consumer’s name, address, or credit card information to deliver the right content at the right time.  That’s what cookies enable.”

      - Jay Habegger, OwnerIQ.com

“Cookies enable my website to provide timely and useful information to expectant moms during pregnancy and beyond.”

      - Neil Street, BabyNamesGarden.com

“Media6Degrees delivers offerings for advertisers to the people who will respond best to them. To do this we purchase media from publishers across the Internet in a manner which would be impossible without using 3rd-party cookies to identify the audiences that our advertisers are interested in addressing. In addition, we rely on 3rd-party cookies to control the flow of advertisements which provides a better user experience by limiting the number of times an individual sees a particular advertisement.”

      - Alec Greenberg, Media6Degrees.com

“Cookies allow me to reach the users who like to play games and connect them to my game site and applications. I am disabled, and thanks to the internet and cookies I am able to support myself and my family and stay off of Social Security and welfare.”

      - Katherine Girod, iGames4Fun.net

“Cookies allow me to provide a better experience to my visitors by storing their preferences and using them as they navigate through my website. This helps them to avoid constant inconveniences of providing their preferences on every page.”

      - Amol Vyavhare, ArticlesWave.com

“Cookies help me operate the world’s best website on defense and security issues.”

      - John Pike, GlobalSecurity.org

“We would be unable to provide these FREE services or feed our families without the use of cookies.  They allow us to provide a better customer experience to our viewers, which could not be done without cookies.”

      - Andy Robinowitz, SocialKnowledge.net 

“Cookies help me get my products in front of the customers who actually want to buy our products, thereby assuring our business continues to grow and provide employment opportunities to the community.”

      - Richard Sexton, CarolinaRustica.com

“Since my site is geographically specific, local advertisers can have their messages appear on the site where the largest potential customer base exists. Without the cookies used in serving banner ads, this process would go away, and possibly prevent those messages from reaching the target audience. The cookies make what is delivered to online reader relevant.

      - Perry Klaussen, Hoboken411.com

“Cookies allow me to create a better user experience for my website, making it easier for my readers to access information quickly and efficiently, plus be a bigger part of the community.”

      - Jon Berlinghoff, EventHubs.com

“Cookies allow us tailor information that helps them use our site much more efficiently.”

      - Greg Brown, VideoPoker.com

“Cookies enable my community to exist as a free and streamlined platform for individuals to discuss prescription drugs with one another.”

      - Nick Jabbour, PrescriptionDrug-Info.com

“Cookies allow me to deliver advertising in an effective manner and that allows me to make a living and provide a valuable service to my readers at no charge.”

      - Ron Lemon, RealityTVCalendar.com

“Cookies allowed me to build the best place online for people to find more information about parenting and how to get your child into acting without being taken advantage of.”

      - Steve Shurak, ParentMediaInc.com

“Our community uses cookies to manage personal logins across three travel sites which feature expert reviews, trip blogs, or forum Q&As, allowing consumers to make more informed decisions about their next family vacation destination.”

      - Kyle McCarthy, FamilyTravelForum.com

“I prefer patronizing a store that knows me and recommends something they know I’ll like versus an impersonal store that recommends whatever they’ve got on the shelf. Happily, cookies allow that same familiarity and make the web a friendlier and more relevant place to shop.”

      - John Knapp, BrashInsight.com

“Cookies let my customers access their private data securely without having to log in again every time.”

      - John Manoogian, 140proof.com

“Part of my business model is utilizing affiliate advertising which realizes on the honest use of cookies to generate revenue. We serve our dedicated customers by providing quality content and provide ways to purchase products and services through our affiliates.”

      - Jason E. Renda, OutdoorInformer.com

We’re publishing these comments—many of them from independent entrepreneurs whose “long tail” retail and ad-supported sites would not be possible without the use of cookies and other core elements of the Internet’s infrastructure—because we think the Government is engaging in unfortunate game-playing.

We are not refuting, contradicting or picking at the FTC’s concern for consumer privacy on the ad-supported Internet. Indeed, we are as passionate about it as the Federal Government and the so-called “privacy advocacy groups.” We support vigorous FTC enforcement of privacy regulations and the pursuit of violators, and we appreciate the FTC’s continuing support for industry self-regulation as the most effective means for assuring that consumer privacy rights and expectations are honored.

Here’s where we part ways: The IAB believes with equal passion that the ability to advertise legal products and services is central to the functioning of a capitalist economy, and an essential support structure for the news media that underpin American democracy. And we find abject attacks on whole categories of technology a form of technological McCarthyism that has little place in a sophisticated debate about how best to protect consumers and companies together.

We welcome the opportunity to bring technology experts from IAB member companies to the Commission to discuss it with them, rather than politic it on cable TV.

Randall Rothenberg is President & CEO of the IAB

IAB's Steve Sullivan on IE9's Do-Not-Track Feature

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In case you missed it, Steve Sullivan, IAB’s VP of Digital Supply Chain Solutions, appeared on NPR’s All Things Considered last night to discuss Microsoft’s new Do-Not-Track option in Internet Explorer 9. You can hear the segment at http://www.npr.org/blogs/alltechconsidered/2010/12/09/131914019/microsoft-ads-do-not-track-option-to-internet-explorer-9.

Check out more coverage of the IAB’s response to Do-Not-Track and the recent FTC Staff Report on Protecting Consumer Privacy.

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Recently, the European advertising community, lead by IAB Europe, publically condemned the “re-spawning” of cookies used in the practice of online behavioral advertising (OBA). We would like to recognize their leadership and take this opportunity to restate the U.S. advertising industry’s longstanding opposition to such practices.

There has been a recent spate of media coverage about the use of local shared objects, colloquially described as “flash cookies”, in the collection of data for the purpose of delivering behaviorally target advertisements to consumers. We have heard about advanced versions of such technologies, including Super, Ever, and Zombie Cookies. But whatever the name, one tenet of the industry remains clear, appropriate consumer notice and choice applies to all targeting technologies and techniques. This means that companies must always provide transparency to the consumer about their data collection and use practices and that third party OBA practices must empower consumers to exercise an effective choice.

Our industry has always endorsed technology neutrality in the application of best practices. IAB has long supported the Network Advertising Initiative’s mandatory principles which apply uniformly to all OBA practices, no matter the technology implementation. Similarly, the comprehensive new self regulatory program announced this week by the IAB and our partner trade associations program applies to data collection and use practices, regardless of the technologies and techniques employed.

Meeting consumers’ privacy expectations is a top priority for the interactive advertising industry and our obligations cannot be sidestepped by technological means. The industry will continue to condemn practices that diminish transparency or frustrate consumer choice.

We welcome discussion on this matter in the comments below.

Mike Zaneis is Vice President, Public Policy for the IAB.

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Will Congress Break Internet Advertising?

(This article was published earlier today in The Hill.)

The U.S. Congress – the place where former Alaska Senator Ted Stevens once declared the World Wide Web
“a series of tubes” – is not known for technological erudition, so it has wisely kept its hands off the Internet, the greatest economy-boosting innovation of our lives. “The last thing we need,” Rep. Cliff Stearns astutely observed just last week, “is a Government takeover of the Internet.”

I wish he’d tell that to Rep. Rick Boucher – his would-be partner on a still-unseen bill that promises to erode the burgeoning field of e-commerce, harm ad-supported news and entertainment media, and destroy the tens of thousands of small businesses in all 50 states that have come to depend on interactive technologies for marketing, retailing, and customer connectivity.

Writing last Tuesday in The Hill, Mr. Boucher declared his intent to introduce legislation to provide “some baseline protections in the online space” aimed at “protecting consumer privacy.” But within this seemingly laudable proclamation lies either a misunderstanding of how interactive media actually work – or an active desire to hinder the medium’s growth, and jeopardize the 3.1 million jobs and 2.1 percent of U.S. GDP that depend on it.

Advertising is the engine of the consumer economy, and fundamentally the only way American shoppers can compare prices, discover products, and learn about new stores and sales in their neighborhood – and the sole way businesses can get this information to them. Yet the Congressman wants to legislate its elimination. “If someone does not want a website he visits to use information it collects to deliver ads to him,” he writes, “he should be able to opt out of that use.” Worse yet, Rep. Boucher says “if a website wants to provide information to an unrelated third party, it should procure that Internet user’s affirmative opt-in consent.”

But the Internet is built on information – most of it managed by “third parties.” Indeed, about 90 percent of online display advertising is delivered by third-party ad-serving companies. Third-party management of the information units called “cookies” is what limits the volume of irrelevant advertising a consumer receives online. Rep. Boucher might as well title his bill “The Spam Preservation Act of 2010.”

But Rep. Boucher (shown left) isn’t putting only Internet infrastructure at risk. His most disturbing proposal is to place the burden for consumer privacy protections on individual Web sites ­- on the local newspaper’s dot-com affiliate, the cable network’s online feed, and the solo blogger alike. His legislation would force all publishers to implement cumbersome and expensive means to stop ad-distribution to any consumer who demands it, and shatter the systems that enable publishers to provide advertisers reliable measures of their circulation and advertising delivery – the currency that enables publishers to get paid for their work.

Why does Rep. Boucher want to imprison the Internet economy? He says his proposal will “encourage greater levels of general Internet usage and e-commerce.” But government intervention hardly seems necessary, given the enormous growth both have seen. A recent University of Southern California study found that in 2008, the average American spent 17 hours per week online, up from 15.3 hours in 2007 and only 9.4 hours in 2001. What were they doing? Among other things, they were shopping. Online retail sales during the recession-soaked 2009 holiday season increased 5 percent from 2008, with consumers spending $27 billion more than last year.

Everyone in this diverse, mushrooming industry would agree with Rep. Boucher that risks to data security and identity theft must be dealt with forcefully. But to conflate these legitimate dangers with the broader, fuzzier notion of “consumer privacy” is misguided and ultimately more dangerous than the original threat.

Our industry takes consumer privacy very seriously; after all, without the consumer - and consumer trust - there is no internet economy. This is why industry has moved aggressively to provide greater protections. In July, a coalition of five major trade associations, representing thousands of advertisers, marketers and publishers, released comprehensive principles for industry self-regulation, which would create strong enforcement of consumer privacy protections under the auspices of the Better Business Bureau. These principles embrace and expand on many of the concerns raised by consumer groups and by the Federal Trade Commission (whose officials have publically praised the coalition’s achievements).

This increasingly vigorous system of self-regulation and education is working. Even the Center for Democracy and Technology, a consumer advocacy group, in a tally of thousands of complaints filed with states attorneys general over Internet-related abuses in 2006-07, found only one case relating to privacy – a case already covered by existing law.

Rep. Boucher should take the advice of his putative co-author, Congressman Stearns. The Florida Republican says government regulatory “interference should be undertaken only where there is weighty and extensive evidence of abuse.” We could not agree more.

 




blog-header-rr.gifAn Open letter from Randall Rothenberg to FTC Chairman Jon Leibowitz, calls on FTC to rescind Blogger rules.


Jon Leibowitz, Chairman

Federal Trade Commission

600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW

Washington, DC 20580

Dear Mr. Chairman:

So there I was last Saturday, about to send out on my Twitter feed — which automatically updates my Facebook page and links to my personal blog — a photograph of this wonderful baked halibut dish I’d just made as a surprise for my wife. I was in the middle of typing a rave review of the recipe, which I’d pulled from my favorite cookbook, Delicioso! The Regional Cooking of Spain by Penelope Casas. But before I could press the “post” button, I stopped and canceled the whole thing.

I remembered that the book was a freebie, sent to me by an editor at the Alfred A. Knopf publishing house 13 years ago. And I didn’t want you guys to haul me into court and fine me for violating the rules you’ve just promulgated to muzzle social media.

I know what you’re thinking – I’m just confused. But so are the 22 million bloggers currently collecting audiences in the United States and the nearly 140 million Americans registering news and opinions through social media channels like Facebook, MySpace, Friendster, and Twitter. The source of the confusion: The new set of Guides Concerning the Use of Endorsements and Testimonials in Advertising, issued on October 5 by the Federal Trade Commission that you chair.

As you’re undoubtedly aware, the revised Guides, an update of principles the Commission originally established in 1980, have generated a firestorm of controversy within the ad-supported interactive media industry. Of particular concern are footnotes, asides, and elaborations in the Guides – as well as reported commentary by Commission staff – which indicate that opinions published by individuals have less protection than speech promulgated by large corporations; that “traditional” distribution channels deserve more protection than innovative online channels; and, finally, that the Internet, the cheapest, freest, most accessible communications medium ever invented, should have less freedom than other media.

Different Disclosure Requirements

It’s the Commission’s own words that have sewn this controversy and confusion. On pages 47 and 48 of the 81-page Guides, your staff

…acknowledges that bloggers may be subject to different disclosure requirements than reviewers in traditional media. In general, under usual circumstances, the Commission does not consider reviews published in traditional media (i.e., where a newspaper, magazine, or television or radio station with independent editorial responsibility assigns an employee to review various products or services as part of his or her official duties, and then publishes those reviews) to be sponsored advertising messages. Accordingly, such reviews are not “endorsements” within the meaning of the Guides…

In contrast, if a blogger’s statement on his personal blog or elsewhere (e.g., the site of an online retailer of electronic products) qualifies as an “endorsement” – i.e., as a sponsored message – due to the blogger’s relationship with the advertiser or the value of the merchandise he has received and has been asked to review by that advertiser, knowing these facts might affect the weight consumers give to his review.

With all due respect, Mr. Chairman: Huh? Does the FTC really intend to probe America’s opinion-mongering apparatus this closely? Do you have a team of Freuds and Jungs able to examine “the weight” consumers give such opinion – and the way they weigh that weight?

Naturally, this expedition from Oceania – that’s the place Big Brother ruled – should be worrisome to all Americans, and to all viewers, readers, listeners, users, and providers of any communications medium. But for the 400 members of the Interactive Advertising Bureau, most of which are small and medium-sized enterprises struggling to build their businesses in the face of the worst decline in marketing spending since the 1930’s, the implication that online social media represent a separate class of communications channels with less Constitutional protection than corporate-owned newspapers, radio stations, or cable television networks is of particularly grave concern.

They – and we — are not arguing that bloggers and social media be treated differently than incumbent media. After all, most newspapers, magazines, radio stations and television networks, in recognition that Americans are embracing new forms of social communications, have established their own blogs, boards, Facebook pages, Twitter feeds, and the like. Rather, we’re saying the new conversational media should be accorded the same rights and freedoms as other communications channels.

Stop Deceptive Advertising

All of us would agree that false and deceptive advertising should be stopped, and penalized when it slips through and is caught. We agree that paid testimonials and endorsements should be labeled. But in taking business ethics and attempting to give it the force of law, the Commission is stretching the definition of remuneration to ludicrous lengths. More frightening – certainly to the 22,000 womens-issue bloggers” on BlogHer, the 218 sports-fan facilitators on SB Nation, and the 302 people Tweeting to me daily – is that the FTC’s new Guides open the door to extremely selective pursuit and prosecution of those least able to defend themselves against government’s hammer: the solo entrepreneurs and opinionated individuals who are most vital to the functioning of our democracy and economy.

That fear, I fear, is supported by the Commission’s own words. For example, in an interview with the blog edrants.com, FTC Assistant Director of Advertising Practices Richard Cleland took decades of common practice in offline media — specifically the acceptance by reviewers of free books from publishers — and said that bloggers engaging in the same activities could be subject to prosecution. “The primary situation is where there’s a link to the sponsoring seller and the blogger,” said Mr. Cleland. The repeated supply of free books could constitute “compensation,” thus triggering an FTC review and, possibly, sanctions.

“You can return it,” Mr. Cleland said, when asked how a social mediator could avoid this fate. “You review it and return it. I’m not sure that type of situation would be compensation.” Otherwise, “if a blogger received enough books, he could open up a used bookstore.”

The ignorance of established offline media practices is more than mildly surprising. Take a walk through New York’s mecca of used books, The Strand, or the Portland emporium Powell’s, and you’ll find bin upon bin of “reviewers’ copies,” direct contravention of Mr. Cleland’s declaration that “most of the newspapers have very strict rules about that and on what happens to those products.” (My own shelf of review copies from my days as a journalist attest to how wrong he is.)

Shackle Online Media

But of greater concern is that the Commission is translating this ignorance into rules that would specifically shackle online media while exempting our offline cousins and competitors from equivalent constraint. Publish? You might perish: “Consumers who join word of mouth marketing programs that periodically provide them products to review publicly (as opposed to simply giving feedback to the advertiser) will also likely be viewed as giving sponsored messages.” Have a lot of Facebook friends? Better watch it, you dot-commie: “If that blogger frequently receives products from manufacturers because he or she is known to have wide readership within a particular demographic group that is the manufacturers’ target market, the blogger’s statements are likely to be deemed to be ‘endorsements.’”

Indeed, to copious industry protests that provision of free samples, tickets, and services to independent reviewers has been a staple of media since media began and shouldn’t be regulated more strictly online than off, the Commission simply disagreed and said it will “consider each use of these new media on a case-by-case basis for purposes of law enforcement.” So if Niero Gonzales fails to flash “freebie” across each review of a first-person shooter posted on his gamer site Destructoid.com, will he be dragged down to Pennsylvania Avenue for a civil investigation? If I blog on randallrothenberg.com about the dozens of free management books I receive each year from publishers, will I, John Wiley & Sons, or Harper Business be subject to a penalty? Again with all due respect, Mr. Chairman, the Commission’s Guides really provides no guidance at all.

You must know that, because in the days following the release of the revised Guides, the FTC has been furiously backtracking about their implications, in an apparent attempt to soothe the blogosphere. “We are not planning on investigating individual bloggers,” Mary Engle, the Commission’s Associate Director for Advertising Practices, told reporters this week. “We will be focusing any enforcements on advertisers, not on individual endorsers.”

But the Commission is being disingenuous. “The recent creation of consumer-generated media means that in many instances, endorsements are now disseminated by the endorser, rather than by the sponsoring advertiser,” the Guides state. “In these contexts, the Commission believes that the endorser is the party primarily responsible for disclosing material connections with the advertiser.

Individuals More Liable

In other words, the Guides DO allow you to pursue bloggers. They DO hold individuals more liable than larger corporations. They DO explicitly say online social media have less protection than offline corporate media. They DO obstruct online companies’ opportunities to drive cultural conversation more than offline companies’. They DO threaten with prosecution book publishers, movie producers, and other companies that supply products to individual social media conversationalists.

This confusion easily could have been avoided. The IAB and other industry organizations clearly identified the risks to free expression and provided the FTC significant, formal First Amendment guidance when you first mooted the new guidelines earlier this year. We offered to bring in bloggers, social media executives and others from among our membership and work with you to develop practical guidelines and self-regulatory mechanisms that would protect consumers from real harm, while assuring that independent opinion in digital media isn’t stifled.

But Commission staff did not follow up with us on our offer, held no public hearings on the proposed Guides, and ultimately dismissed our concerns. Instead, they took the perverse - and Constitutionally dubious - step of saying that individuals writing in social media bear greater liability than do those writing for offline, one-way media.


Mr. Chairman, these are the types of vital regulatory issues that, if decided without due care and reasoned judgment, will impair the continued growth of news and content in the online space. I urge the Commission to retract the current set of Guides and to commence a fair and open process in order to develop a roadmap by which responsible online actors can engage with consumers and continue to provide their invaluable content and services.

Regards,

Randall Rothenberg

President and Chief Executive Officer

Interactive Advertising Bureau



New Public Policy Resource

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What to focus on and when, is always the $64,000 dollar question (or adjusted for inflation, the $495,000 dollar question). In the public policy arena, the question compounds: where should I be focusing my attention? Local and state affairs? Hill happenings? Regulatory proceedings? Percolating academic research? Consumer advocate agendas? These are the kinds of questions that keep Starbucks on the S&P 500. To that end, the IAB would like to introduce our members to a new feature on our IAB Public Policy homepagewww.iab.net/public_policy.  Here we’ll be providing our members with the latest legislative developments on the state, federal and regulatory levels, as well as highlighting current topics, trends, developments, and events that are inhabiting the interactive advertising ecosystem – and much like a “real” ecosystem, it’s often the small things that end-up blindsiding you.

In this inaugural launch, you’ll find the first of what will be a series of monthly legislative updates, as well as a short piece highlighting the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA) and its potential impact on online data collection and advertising. With all the noise out there about “regulating” online advertising, it’s worth taking a moment to look at existing legislation, to understand some of the context that has contributed to the current debate.

In the upcoming months you can expect to see monthly legislative updates, as well as short “think” pieces covering a diversity of topics from internet advertising taxation legislation to the technology-focused agenda of a new Administration. We here at the IAB hope that you can use this new resource to provide you with a quick insight into the sometimes messy business of politics, as well as a preview of new issues and concerns coming down the pipeline.

The Fed's Web Takeover

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blog-header-rr.gifWhat is the definition of “your data”? The answer may determine the future of the Internet - and, more broadly, of communications media, the users that derive value from them, and the marketers that depend on them.

The combination of the word “data” or “information” with a personal possessive pronoun lies at the heart of the current debate over interactive advertising and privacy. In the Monday New York Times story “Web Privacy on the Radar in Congress,” reporter Stephanie Clifford wrote that a subject of her piece knows that companies “are collecting his data.” The Center for Democracy and Technology, the prominent Washington-based proponent of a Federally mandated “do not track list” against interactive advertising, told the Los Angeles Times recently that Americans are “uncomfortable” with “the collection of their data.” The Federal Trade Commission, in proposing principles to control “behavioral advertising,” recommends that “consumers can choose whether or not to have their information collected for such purpose.” Democratic Congressman Edward J. Markey of Massachusetts said yesterday that he expects to introduce legislation during the coming year that “includes a set of legal guarantees that consumers have with respect to their information.”

All well and good, you might say: My identity must be protected from thieves and exploiters. But guess what? The plans that these activists and their enablers are promoting have nothing to do with identity protection. To the contrary, they are agitating - some, perhaps, unwittingly — for a new property right, unique in U.S. law, that would provide consumers personal ownership of all information that derives from their activities, no matter how anonymous, non-identifying, aggregated, or otherwise impersonal it may be. They are further proposing that the Government, as the codifier and protector of such rights, use this definition of “behavioral data” to assert Federal control over most Internet operations. The effect could be to cripple the architecture of the World Wide Web.

Oh, Behave

Although this effort to socialize the Web is taking place in plain sight, it involves no small degree of artifice. Rarely if ever, for example, are such phrases as “his data” or “their information” explicated - leaving readers to believe that sensitive personal records are being compromised. But on occasion, the activists slip in telling ways. Jeff Chester, the proprietor of the extremist Center for Digital Democracy and a frequent witness in regulatory hearings in Washington, has made clear his belief that no distinction exists between identifying data and impersonal data: If it can be used in any way for marketing purposes, it belongs to the individual, and Government should restrict its application. As he wrote on his blog last April, interactive publishers

… know that in today’s digital marketing era, the very tiny bits of personal behavior they have identified are parts of individual human identity. Our ‘virtual’ identities may be composed of discrete and disassembled bits of information about ourselves: what we like to read, watch, buy; our problems and concerns (such as health or our children’s education) or our political interests, but they are very much living aspects of ourselves. The goal of interactive marketing is to collect, analyze, and use such information to serve the interests of those paying for the targeting. The technique uses one, two or multiple individual data points in a variety of ways (search ads, broadband videos, virtual worlds) to get individual consumers to behave or act in ways that favor or reflect the marketer’s goals.

State legislatures -the stalking horses for the Washington lobbyists and legislators looking to constrain marketing and media - have followed the lead of Mr. Chester and his “regulate-the-Web” comrades. A New York State bill that was written to restrict what it termed “online preference marketing” actually promises explicitly to extend Government control over virtually all consumer research that has a Web component. The bill (sponsored, mystifyingly, by an Assemblyman from Westchester County, home to such consumer marketing and media giants as PepsiCo, the Readers Digest Association, IBM, and Starwood Hotels & Resorts), defines “online preference marketing” as “a process used by entities whereby data is typically collected over time and across Web pages to determine or predict consumer characteristics or preference for use in ad delivery, including the use of non-personally identifiable information.”

These definitions and metaphysical disquisitions help us understand how breathtakingly and unprecedentedly broad the supposedly protective proposals to restrict “behavioral targeting” actually are. They unambiguously define “behavior” as any and all consumption activity, no matter how distanced it is from one’s personal identity. Equally plainly, they say that any “data” or “information” that derives from such behavior would fall under their proposed regulatory scheme, even if it cannot compromise an individual’s identity, let alone cause him or her any harm.

Calling All Clients

Let’s be clear what’s at risk here: the Internet, and any communications activity that depends upon it. Why? Because all Internet activity throws off such non-identifying “behavioral” data all the time. Indeed, behavioral data is the center of the client/server call process that’s the essence of the Internet’s architecture, which delivers content based on information generated by user activity. As IAB Vice President for Industry Services Jeremy Fain, one of the interactive media industry’s top operations experts, puts it: “A client calling a server asking for content, and the server sending it back, is the fundamental underpinning of the Internet.”


Put this vital piece of the Web’s infrastructure under Government control, as the activists suggest, and the ad-supported innovation that has driven this communications revolution would be impaired. As Fain explains, “Within the client request there are many pieces of information, including a cookie, an IP address, and a user agent string. Cookies could be stripped out of that process, but the Web experience would change drastically. Cookie IDs are essential to user experience; as Wikipedia nicely observes, cookies give a state, a ‘memory of previous events,’ to otherwise stateless HTTP transactions.”

Without cookies, each new page view would be an isolated event. The Web’s relevancy engine
would disappear. A news site wouldn’t be able to give you recommendations for articles you might want to read based on earlier things you’d read. Click analysis would be impossible, so retailers and brands would not be able to understand how their customers are using their sites. There could be no logged-in state beyond a single session, making it necessary for a user to log in to every site each and every time he or she visited. For retrieving email this wouldn’t be a big change, but for any news or entertainment sites that require a registration, any blog, any social media site, this would change the experience dramatically.

“IP addresses can’t be stripped out,” Fain continues. “They are fundamental to the delivery system — both client and server must know where to send the information. User agents - which are basically the identification of the browser type — should not be stripped out, either. Besides being fundamental to conducting any business online — they are the best way to distinguish human activity from machine-generated activity, and accurately count how many times content was delivered to real people - user agents are essential to delivering better experiences. At first glance, user agents may seem tangential to the consumer data and information discussion, but decisions are made by Web sites based on a consumer’s user agent strings all the time. A person using the Safari browser will regularly see something different from someone using Internet Explorer.” (An excellent example of the importance of user agents is the mobile Web: Page views will be optimized for the smaller screen based simply on the server’s ability to know that the consumer is using a mobile-device browser. )


“This is behavioral information,” Fain says, “but if companies cannot collect or store it, they cannot make business decisions on how to optimize their sites for their viewers. ”


In other words, the Internet runs on behavioral data. When a user launches her browser, behavioral data is generated that gets her to her designated home page. When a user clicks on a de.licio.us bookmark, behavioral data is generated that whisks him to the site. When users click on an article’s “go to next page” button, behavioral data is generated that positions them on the next page - in pretty much the same way a click on a “skip this ad” button will assure they don’t get the advertisement they don’t want to see. Under no normal circumstances is this behavioral data connected to an individual’s name, address, Social Security number, or other information we would conventionally associate with personal identity.


Government Control

Sadly, this doesn’t seem to matter to the activists, because under the rules they are pushing in Congress, this impersonal string of otherwise meaningless symbols would still be classified as “their data,” and subject to Government regulation. And with that change, control of media and commerce would pass from the private sector to the Feds.


Think I’m being overly inflammatory? In addition to the obvious damage to interactive content customization and relevance, consider what else would be placed at risk if this de facto, all-encompassing definition of “behavioral data” were to become de jure:

  • Bar-code scanners used at checkout counters. With ownership of impersonal consumption data legally enshrined as consumer property, this crucial component in retail supply-chain management could become unusable - at least if the data they collect is transmitted over the Web. Internet-based supply-chain management systems employing RFID tags could similarly be compromised.
  • Lists of “most e-mailed stories” in newspapers and magazines. These popular features - and vital editorial management tools - could become illegal under the proposals floating around Washington and the states, for they depend on aggregated behavioral data.
  • Search-engine competition. Kiss goodbye any efforts by its competitors to compete with Google. Whether small fry like Cuil or giants like Microsoft, their ability to take data to optimize their own processes or experiment with new algorithms would be gone. So would the search-engine optimization and search-engine marketing industries, too.
  • Social science research. Academics interested in observing, say, the effect of health communications on Americans’ behavior would be restricted from utilizing the anonymous data generated by the billions of interactions daily between Web users and content. Even the American Psychological Association, which recommends “informed consent” as a standard in most research, recognizes that some forms of research, including anonymous questionnaires and “naturalistic observations” in cyberspace, don’t necessarily require it. Some legislators and activists, though, want their judgment to supersede the scientists’.
  • Journalism and commentary. If people own “their data,” publishing observations of their activities online - how many times a video was watched, how many members of a social network enjoy Cream of Wheat for breakfast, what people are saying about that new Carmen Diaz movie - would fall into a legally murky area. Remember, California , for 20 years, has accorded people “personality rights” that prevent the unsanctioned use of anyone’s “name, voice, signature, photograph or likeness on or in products, merchandise or goods.” Extending this right to “their data” is basically what the anti-Internet proposals envision. In a profound, First Amendment-grounded critique of the FTC’s proposals against behavioral marketing, the Newspaper Association of America wrote, “The fully protected rights of news publishers are at stake. A limitation on behavioral targeting would directly affect the selection of content that is presented to readers.”
  • Branded-media and small-publisher growth. Many major media companies are hooking their futures on the opportunity to gain more reach by constructing large networks of affiliated sites, whose content and demographic affinities would be abetted by network-based ad delivery. Ban the use of anonymous behavioral data, and these enterprises comes tumbling down. So does network-based advertising support for small publishers, which underpins the economics of tens of thousands of sites.
Real Crimes

It’s ironic that I’m writing this only a week after the U.S. Government broke what The New York Times described as a global, criminal “cyber-ring” that “plundered the credit card numbers of millions of Americans.” Such threats - to family information, financial records, health data - are real. In fact, exposure of such crimes pretty much requires the retrieval and storage of user string agents and other behavioral data by e-commerce providers and other sites. But instead of zeroing in on real crimes and real harm, aggressive legislators, regulators, and their champions seem hell-bent on grouping under the same regulatory regime sensitive identifying data and the kind of impersonal behavioral data necessary to run the Web.

I - and my colleagues at the IAB - have been sounding these alarms for more than a year. I’ve testified before the Federal Trade Commission, and the House Small Business Committee. Yet the call for regulation grows bewilderingly louder, from elected officials who have specified no harm and conducted little research. Even the militant Center for Democracy and Technology, which has declared that “concerns about behavioral advertising practices are widespread,” recorded zero consumer complaints filed with states’ attorneys general in 2006-2007 over privacy violations involving behavioral targeting. Zero! Indeed, in its just-released 37-page report Online Consumers at Risk and the Role of State Attorneys General, which documents thousands of cases of Internet-related sales fraud, spyware, phishing, data security breaches, and child solicitation, the word privacy comes up only once - in a Texas case filed against two Web sites that allegedly failed to protect “the privacy and safety of minors.”

Such violations are already covered by existing law (in this case, the federal Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act, or COPPA) but the CDT, asserting that “behavioral advertising poses a growing risk to consumer privacy,” wants “a new general privacy law backed up by regulatory enforcement.”

It’s time for CMO’s, media company CEO’s, technology entrepreneurs, free-press advocates, independent Web publishers, retailers, e-tailers and others who depend on robust Internet communications and a thriving free media to stand up and let the world know where these recommendations are explicitly heading: Toward a Government takeover of the Internet, and a silencing of the diverse voices that make up the Web.
blog-header-rr.gifIf you are a Web publisher earning less than $1 million annually in advertising revenue and with five or fewer employees, you can help save the ad-supported Internet. I urge you to join the Interactive Advertising Bureau and become part of the small business army we are mobilizing to stop politicians from unfairly and inappropriately regulating digital advertising.

The threat is very real. As I have outlined in previous postings,
forces arrayed in Washington and multiple state capitals are specifically targeting the business infrastructure that enables small Web sites to support themselves through advertising sales. Although these advocacy groups have provided no evidence of public harm, their efforts have resulted in a flurry of regulatory proposals which, if enacted, would severely hinder the ability of small publishers to support themselves with advertising sales, and impair the ability of small businesses to use interactive advertising to market themselves.

I believe these proposals have received little attention from marketers, media and publishers because they have been hidden on legislative calendars in Albany, Hartford, and Springfield, or been negotiated behind closed doors in Washington, away from our ecosystem’s business leaders. Moreover, because the proposals state that they seek to control “behavioral marketing” or “third party networks” or “online preference marketing,” publishers that do not engage in such practices or with such practitioners believe they are safe.

But in fact, these proposals are so broad, they will put virtually all interactive advertising practices — and even many mainstream marketing practices — under a strict regulatory regime. Business leaders need to start paying attention now, or the underpinnings of the “free” — which is to say ad-supported — Internet will come undone.

Undermining Advertising Research

Consider a bill that has been before the New York State Assembly, which aims to curtail “online preference marketing.” It defines “online preference marketing” as “a process used by entities whereby data is typically collected over time and across web pages to determine or predict consumer characteristics or preference for use in ad delivery, including the use of non-personally
identifiable information.” But employing non-identifiable data to predict consumer preferences for use in ad delivery is, in fact, the very definition of advertising research. Were the New York bill to pass, a mainstay of business development for 120 years would, for the first time, fall under a strict regulatory regime - forcing small Web publishers and their advertisers to incur legal and lobbying expenses they cannot afford, and just for New York State.

Or look carefully at Connecticut
General Assembly Bill 5765. It offers the same, sweeping definition of “online preference marketing,” and goes on to say that any publisher offering it through a “third-party advertising network” must additionally give consumers the opportunity to “opt out” from receiving it. This means consumers, for the first time, would be able to force advertisers to stop providing them ads - but only if those ads are relevant to their interests! Presumably, mass-distributed “spam” advertising would still be protected.

The Connecticut bill also would allow consumers to pull non-identifying data they generate out of the aggregated databases that are commonly used in market research to improve products, services, and marketing. To put this in perspective, this is the equivalent of allowing you, me, or anyone to demand that a grocer not use our anonymous checkout-counter scanner data to determine when to restock a product.

These state bills have been tabled — for now. But consider the Federal Trade Commission’s recommendations for self-regulatory principles for “online behavioral advertising.” The FTC has been a good partner with the interactive media and marketing industries, and has encouraged us, for the most part beneficially, to develop an effective self-regulatory mechanism to guard consumers’ legitimate interests in identity protection and data security. Yet even the FTC has succumbed to the fear-mongering of anti-business advocacy groups, and HAS offered breathtakingly broad definitions that could severely hamper the activities of small publishers and marketers.

The FTC defines “behavioral advertising” as “the tracking of a consumer’s activities online,” and would give consumers the right “to choose whether or not to have their information collected for such a purpose,” apparently even if it is anonymous and non-identifying. Yet one such “tracking activity” is the measurement of Web site audience traffic - the central measure by which advertising prices are established. Another such “tracking activity” is the measurement of advertising delivery - the core determinant of whether the publisher gets paid by the marketer for running its ads! Thus, in its recommendations for the self-regulation of what it calls “behavioral advertising,” the commission has made suggestions that would break longstanding processes essential for the management of media companies in the U.S.

The most unfortunate aspect of these proposals is that they are utterly unnecessary. The IAB and its members vigorously support the principle of consumer control over their media consumption. Indeed, consumer control is one of the fundamental reasons interactive media have grown so quickly in popularity. And consumers have all the tools they need to control all forms of data collection in online media and advertising, built into their browsers and into security packages, many of them available free online.

Small Business Boon

As I told the House of Representatives Small Business Committee in Washington earlier today, such regulations would have a disproportionately negative effect on the small publishers and small marketers that are the backbone of the interactive media and marketing ecosystem.

Because so much attention in our industry recently has focused on multi-billion-dollar consolidation battles, it’s easy to assume that we lives in a land of giants. But nothing could be further from the truth. Interactive media is a dynamic field suffused with small entrepreneurs with big dreams. When you think of IAB’s 375+ members, you may conjure up the great names of the online and offline media world - Google, Yahoo, AOL, MSN, The New York Times, Time Inc., CBS, and Walt Disney among them. But the majority of our members - 61 percent - are small businesses, earning from $0 to $8 million annually in advertising revenue.

Evidence that the Internet is a small-business engine abounds. For example, research done by the consulting firm Booz & Co. for the IAB, the Association of National Advertisers, and the American Association of Advertising Agencies shows that 40 percent of IAB members’ revenues comes from local businesses.

Interactive advertising revenues totaled more than $21 billion in 2007 and were estimated at nearly $5.8 billion in the first quarter of 2008, up 18 percent over the first three months of 2007. Of that total, search is about 40 percent. And small companies’ share of online ad spending in search engines is more than double the share of medium or large companies, according to the research firm Outsell, Inc.

According to the Pew Internet & American Life Project, more than 32 million American adults have used online classified ads for selling or buying. eBay — which is both an advertising vehicle and a retail mechanism for its sellers — says 768,000 small businesses across the U.S. use this online marketplace as their primary or secondary marketing channel. Blog networks, supported by advertising, helped would-be media moguls generate 112 million blogs worldwide; in the U.S., as of July 2006, some 12 million American adults, about 8 percent of the American population, were publishing their own blogs, which were being read by 57 million others, according to Pew.

Publishing’s Long Tail

Those blogs are part of the most remarkable communications phenomenon since the invention of the printing press: the explosion of small interactive publishing businesses, untold thousands of which support themselves through advertising sales.

While many of these businesses employ direct sales forces, I pointed out at Congress yesterday that an essential aid to them has been online advertising networks
consisting of hundreds, thousands, even tens of thousands of sites. These online networks are the moral equivalent of the broadcast radio and television networks with which we grew up; they have technological infrastructures that can get contextual or behavioral advertising and ad revenue to these small sites, wherever they are located.

But there’s one crucial difference: Instead of delivering the same programming - and for the most part the same ads from the same giant marketers — at the same time across groups of local affiliates, online networks allow myriad voices to flourish, serving myriad interests and needs, in the tiniest nooks and crannies of our culture.


No one knows how many of these “long tail” publishers are in the U.S., but here’s a sample gathered by the ThinkPanmure equity research firm. The 24/7 Real Media network sells and places ads for 1,000 Web sites. The Blue Lithium Network, owned by Yahoo, reaches 119 million unique U.S. users through 1,000 publisher sites. Burst Media has 4,200 ad-supported sites in its network. Tacoda, a network acquired last year by AOL, delivers behavioral ads to half the U.S. population, across 4,500 sites. The Adbrite auction-based ad marketplace represents 19,000 Web publishers.

How diverse are these publishers? We don’t have a census of the whole, so to prepare my Congressional testimony, I asked my IAB team and some of the networks among our membership for examples of their favorite small, ad-supported publishers. Interestingly, many of them are mothers who are using interactive tools and services to develop home-based businesses around their passions. Here are a few examples:

  • Baristanet.com is a community site started by three local women for the area of northern New Jersey where I grew up. Its advertisers include a local hospital, Montclair Family Dentistry, and Dial Pest Control of Roseland.
  • Dooce.com is a blog started by a stay-at-home mother in Salt Lake City, who was the valedictorian of the Class of 1993 at Bartlett High School in Memphis, Tennessee. She carries ads from the Disney Vacation Club and Verizon.
  • Bakeorbreak.com is run by a woman in northeast Mississippi, who subtitles her Web publication “Adventures of an Amateur Baker.” It’s filled with recipes, sells cookbooks, and carries ads for M&M’s, Perdue chicken, and Bertolli olive oil. Some of those ads are sold by Martha Stewart Living Omnimedia, an example of the growing symbiosis between small and large publishers on the Web.
  • Here are three political sites that cover the spectrum of opinion. Many of you know Dailykos.com, the famous liberal political blog; look closely, and you’ll see that it’s supported by ads, many of them placed by the Google Adsense network, from PBS, the online t-shirt maker Café Press, and others. Latino Issues, by contrast, is a conservative Latino blog, with some ads also sold by Google. Its advertisers include the dating service LatinoAmericanCupid.com. And Confederate Yankee is an ad-supported site, via the Pajama Network, that’s a hybrid of conservative and liberal, Northeast and Southeast sentiments and values: Advertisers include Omaha Steaks and FTD, the floral company.
  • Womenslacrosse.com is the central meeting place for women who participate in the oldest American sport. It’s a family business run by Founder and CEO Cathy Samaras of Annapolis, Maryland, and its advertisers include the Kaplan test preparation company, and the Bowie Baysox Class AA minor league baseball team.
  • Scienceblogs.com is a collection of 90 ad-supported science sites covering fields from neurophilosophy to quantum mechanics to tetrapod zoology. Its offices are in LA, Washington, New York, London, Munich, and Shanghai, but its bloggers come from all over: Iowa, Colorado, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Virginia, among other places. Its advertisers include PerkinElmer and Dow Chemical.
  • AfricanSisters.com was formed in 1999 in Garland, Texas by a group of black women to help women of color build businesses, increase employment and build revenue. Its advertisers include the iGourmet.com “tea-of-the-month club,” Crockpot cookery, and Kmart.

IAB Thinks Small

As the IAB team surveyed the regulatory landscape this past year, it occurred to us that few regulators or legislators are aware of this small business landscape, and how interactive media and advertising have served, in essence, is its railroad: the network that enables these tiny markets to exchange value within and among themselves. So we asked our Board of Directors and then our entire membership to approve a change in our bylaws, and allow small publishers to join the IAB at an advantaged price — $500 in annual dues, or 1/20th the minimum dues tariff we charge General Members.

I’m pleased to say our membership approved this Small Publisher Membership category by an overwhelming majority last week. So if you think small (or work with publishers who do) please let them know about our offer. (I’m equally pleased to note that when we canvassed about a dozen of our network-oriented members and asked if they would help us market this new membership to their publisher affiliates, each and every one enthusiastically answered in the affirmative.)


IAB Small Publisher Members will have business insurance and services discounts; preferential pricing for IAB events; special webinars and seminars designed to teach small publishers the contours of the advertising and marketing industries; and membership in the IAB’s new Small Publishers Committee. And, of course, there is representation by the IAB in Washington and across the U.S. Like our Associate Memberships, these will not carry voting rights — but any Small Publisher Member that grows large enough (or otherwise wants advanced participation) is free to join IAB as a General Member at the normal dues rates.


Our first signup was Tim Carter, the founder and proprietor of
Askthebuilder.com in Cincinatti, Ohio. I wrote about Tim — and his remarkable development from a self-syndicated, hand-to-mouth newspaper columnist to an online media mogul earnings hundreds of thousands of dollars in ad income a year, thanks to network-based sales — in an earlier “clog” posting. When I asked Tim (who also testified at the House hearings yesterday) why he was joining the IAB, here’s what he said:

“I decided to join the IAB for any number of reasons. Primarily, I want to be connected with an organization that’s ahead of the curve, and gives me an enormous competitive edge in the marketplace. I also enjoy being surrounded by other successful people who help me to achieve goals I set for myself. I also love the fact that the IAB represents small digital publishers like myself in Washington. I don’t have the time nor resources to be heard, but politicians need to know the facts about what is happening in the Internet world I work in. The IAB delivers a fair and balanced perspective to these lawmakers.”


I’m incredibly proud to have Tim Carter as a member of the Interactive Advertising Bureau. But we should aspire to make sure that hundreds of thousands, even millions, of Tim Carters can flourish in this country, building businesses through the communications, advertising, and services available online. We can do that by assembling together, to learn each others’ best audience-building and marketing practices, and to ward off the ugly and unnecessary hand of anti-Internet regulation.


Put simply, IAB WANTS YOU!.
Click here and join today.
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With barely an acknowledgement of the myriad ways in which the Internet has revolutionized economic development, information access, and communications diversity, an increasingly organized coalition of anti-business groups is mobilizing to get the Government to shut it down.

And the scary thing is: They are succeeding. I’ve detailed this “break-the-Web” effort in an article in yesterday’s Huffington Post. I urge you to print it out, circulate it, and oppose the forces that would force you under. (More on that later.)

Because virtually all of you reading this are scrambling to build your businesses in the face of a looming recession, you’ve probably been too busy to notice that a drive is underway to goad the Federal and State governments to regulate the core processes and technologies that underlie the operations of the Internet. The anti-Internet coalition’s proposals hide under the cover of very real, very legitimate concerns that citizens have over their personal privacy. But rather than focus on the real privacy dangers - loose data security policies, identity theft, Government intrusions into citizens’ phone and email records - these groups aim to shut down “advertising networks” and “third party entities,” including those central to the infrastructure of interactive media and advertising.

Hatred for Consumerism

If it were merely technological ignorance that’s driving them, it would be correctable. But even a casual read shows these groups are actually opposed to the consumer economy itself. And in their hatred for consumerism, they have drafted recommendations so breathtakingly broad that, if they stand, many sites will go under. Particularly vulnerable are the small, ad-supported sites that serve niche interests - the political blogs, ethnic dot-coms, and hobbyist Web sites that depend on ad networks to sell and place their ads. (I identified some of the potential victims in a Business Week article last week: Web communities like Disaboom.com, an ad-supported site for people with disabilities, run by Dr. Glen House, himself a quadriplegic.) Right behind them are the newspaper and magazine companies that are building vertical ad networks to extend their audience reach on the Web.

Here’s a sampling of some of the proposals gaining traction in Washington and State capitals:

  • The Connecticut state assembly is likely to pass a bill that labels standard interactive advertising practices “unscrupulous,” and would, for the first time in the U.S., regulate the Web by creating inflexible controls on how any third party involved in Internet advertising collects and uses anonymized data.
  • A New York State legislator has introduced a bill that would allow consumers to pull non-identifying information out of aggregated databases and regulate the companies that deliver 90 percent of the ads on the Web.
  • Under the implicit threat of formal regulation, the Federal Trade Commission has issued guidelines that would prevent media, agencies, and marketers from using non-identifying data to make ads more relevant and products more effective for consumers. The FTC would require Web site operators to obtain permission from users for any changes in their privacy policies - paradoxically, even if the sites have no information identifying those users or means of getting in touch with them.
  • In a signed editorial, The New York Times asked the Federal government to regulate the collection of the types of demographic information marketers have routinely gathered for decades, and recommended that all online data collection, including the measurement of Web traffic, be banned unless users explicitly provide permission.

Let’s be very, very clear: The IAB is utterly committed to protecting citizens’ privacy. Peoples’ names, addresses, Social Security numbers, financial and health records, and anything that can be associated with their identity ought to be under lock and seal, if that’s what they desire. All the major interactive media companies are equally unswerving in their commitment; they know (and have expressed repeatedly) that violating consumer privacy expectations is virtually an invitation to users to flee their sites for friendlier environments. We favor (and are working with other major marketing, media, and consumer associations toward) meaningful self-regulation of consumer privacy online.

But let’s be equally clear that these anti-consumerist efforts are not about protecting peoples’ identities. They are about shutting down consumer marketing - and limiting consumer choice in communications and consumption. Jeff Chester, the frequently quoted proprietor of the Center for Digital Democracy and one of the FTC’s favorite anti-Internet witnesses, has increasingly come clean on his real motivation. He opposes practices “to get individual consumers to behave or act in ways that favor or reflect the marketer’s goals,” he wrote in his blog on April 11. He went at it again this week, writing to Business Week that the Internet is “a commercial surveillance system that rivals the NSA… all so we can be encouraged to behave favorably to some marketing message.”

Aversion to Democracy

Underlying this “break-the-Internet” activism is an aversion to democracy - a fear that, left to their own devices, Americans will make bad choices for themselves, and so must be protected from forces that might lead them toward such choices. Joseph Turow, a University of Pennsylvania communications professor and another frequent FTC witness, has gone so far as to decry the very diversity of information, entertainment, and commercial options on the Web - a repeated underpinning of his arguments in favor of Internet regulation. He has written of the “mutual cooperation and togetherness” Americans exhibited from the 1940’s through the late 1960’s, and of the “society-making media,” including the “three-network universe,” that helped forge such social cohesion.

“Having the option to share the same marketplace of goods and ideas has become a central proposition of equality in the United States,” Prof. Turow argues. By contrast, he has excoriated “segment-making media” that “search out and exploit differences between consumers.” “The emerging marketplace will be far more an inciter of angst over social difference than a celebration of the American ‘salad bowl,” he writes. Eyeing with suspicion what he calls “a database-driven culture of suspicion,” Prof. Turow asks, rhetorically and paternalistically: “How should public policies respond to social divisions that are bound to grow as people envy the data files that enable their peers to get seemingly better prices, seemingly better service, or both?”

Repress the urge to suggest to him that public policies may be unnecessary, given the terabytes of relevant information available online to help people locate better prices or better service. Americans, he says, aren’t up to the task of choice-making. “You may try to jump from site to site to hunt for the best buy, but that’s time-consuming,” Prof. Turow argues. “And there are comparative shopping sites such as Bizrate or Nextag, but these can be tough to navigate, and companies are learning quickly how to game the system.” The only solution, he suggests, is regulation.

Prompted by this opposition to consumerism, the pro-regulation forces are attempting to redefine the concept of “identity” so it extends far beyond the boundaries with which it has typically been delimited. Mr. Chester, for example, talks about “our information” and “our data” as if online media and advertising have the inherent ability to vacuum up any and every individual’s name, rank, and serial number. If that were the case, it would be subject for worry. Indeed, interactive media companies DO need to understand that many consumers have legitimate concerns — “creeped out” is the phrase you hear most frequently — about what sorts of information is collected from plain-vanilla Web-surfing, whether it’s merged into direct-marketing databases, and what’s sold by whom to whom, and for what purposes. Concerns needs to be allayed with facts, and when issues arise that require action, we, as an industry, must address them with complete transparency.

Redefining Identity

But rather than zero in on the real issues, the anti-Internet activists are exploiting these concerns to seek regulatory approval for a new property right over any behaviors, including those that are not associated even indirectly with an individual - even behaviors which cannot be observed.

“…In today’s digital marketing era,” Mr. Chester wrote this week on his blog, “the very tiny bits of personal behavior they [interactive media companies] have identified are parts of individual human identity. Our ‘virtual’ identities may be composed of discrete and disassembled bits of information about ourselves: —what we like to read, watch, buy; our problems and concerns (such as health or our children’s education) or our political interests— but they are very much living aspects of ourselves.”

While the metaphysical nature of identity is a fascinating subject for philosophy and classics majors (myself included), such breathtaking redefinitions of established norms can make for very bad policy - and horrifying economics. If businesses are required to institute consumer opt-in’s for all measurements of consumption behavior (as Mr. Chester, The Times, and others propose), then bar-code scanners could not be used to tell retailers whether they need to restock shelves. TiVo would not be able to let the television networks know which programs viewers are avoiding. Research companies such as R.L. Polk (which for decades has used state auto-registration data to provide insights to auto manufacturers) would have to stop telling Detroit how to be competitive with Japan. Social scientists who pore through consumption data to tell us whether we’re going green or wasting energy, eating nutriciously or ingesting fat, buying domestic goods or favoring imports would have to go back to guesswork.

And, needless to say, interactive retailers would not be allowed to suggest products or services to you based on your preferences, search engines would not be allowed to serve ads to you based on your queries, and publishers would not be allowed to measure site traffic or customize their home pages to your interests. All of these activities require “behavioral targeting” and “third parties,” as they currently are defined (with astonishing breadth) in the regulatory proposals floating around Washington, Hartford, Albany, and Manhattan.

I’ve already been tarred by the anti-Internet forces as an “online ad industry lobbyist.” (I am not.) Prof. Turow has complained that I’ve made “fundamental misrepresentations” of his work. (Read his books - here’s the Amazon link again.) But let me make a few other suggestions to those in the interactive media and marketing worlds who care about the future of our industries - and the future of communications diversity:

  • Read the proposed regulations, and write their sponsors to oppose their loose language, over-reaching breadth, and the harm they would impose on media companies, small businesses, consumers and citizens. In particular, send the State legislators my Business Week, Huffington Post, or Wall Street Journal articles and ask them why they are proposing far-reaching, rigid regulation rather than working with the IAB, a dozen other industry groups, and the FTC to create meaningful, effective, and less destructive self-regulation.
  • Visit your Congressman and State legislative representatives and offer to provide a tutorial about how interactive marketing and media work - and don’t work. The best weapon against ignorance is education.
  • Write your own Op-Ed Pieces! Your local newspaper and your favorite blogs are terrific places to educate the public - and dispel myths - about interactive media and advertising. They can also help all of us pick up legitimate concerns, around which we can coalesce the industry to become a force for positive change.
  • Contribute to the IAB’s Political Action Committee. Write to our association’s one actual lobbyist, Mike Zaneis, for information. Even small contributions will help us get our message across in Washington.
  • Love your consumers. Don’t do anything you’re not willing to talk proudly about in public. And make sure your privacy policies are crystal clear, written in English (or whatever the preferred language of your audience is) and posted prominently.

blog-header-rr.gif“Our every move is being tabulated, tracked and sold to the highest bidder,” Jeff Chester, the executive director of a Washington anti-advertising organization called the Center for Digital Democracy, said ominously at the opening of the FTC “town hall” on online behavioral targeting.

Yikes! Really?

As I sit through this FTC presentation, I’m reminded that American consumer culture - a backbone of U.S. economic growth from the beginnings of the nation - has long been paralleled by a smaller but quite vocal anti-consumerist tradition.

The first tendency is known to all of us, and has long been recognized. Alexis de Tocqueville, writing in the early 19th century, observed that “without exception, travelers to the United States found the most striking feature of the American character to be the obsession with business and wealth.” This obsession manifested itself in the acquisition of goods - “conspicuous consumption,” the sociologist Thorstein Veblen labeled it.

Desire to Acquire

This desire to advance, continually and publicly, has been a driver of U.S. economic growth. We acquire things because it shows off our personal growth, our success, our maturity. To acquire, we strive to make more money. To serve our desire to acquire, businesses innovate. And some of that innovation aims to make people feel richer than they are. “Among a democratic population all the intellectual faculties of the workman are directed to these two objects,” Tocqueville wrote. “He strives to invent methods that may enable him not only to work better, but more quickly and more cheaply; or if he cannot succeed in that, to diminish the intrinsic quality of the thing he makes, without rendering it wholly unfit for the use for which it is intended. When none but the wealthy had watches, they were almost all very good ones; few are now made that are worth much, but everybody has one in his pocket. Thus the democratic principle not only tends to direct the human mind to the useful arts, but it induces the artisan to produce with great rapidity many imperfect commodities, and the consumer to content himself with these commodities.”

But that consumerist impulse has made other Americans, a minority, to be sure, deeply unhappy.. “We are united by what we are being sold,” the writer Naomi Klein, author of No Logo and other books critical of consumerism and the latest darling of the anti-capitalists, has said, “There is no escape.” She follows an anti-consumerist line that stretches all the way back to Thomas Jefferson’s agrarian idealism, which stood in stark contrast to the rapacious mercantilism Jefferson perceived in John Adams’s Boston.

For some reason, and for several decades, such anti-growth reactionaries have aimed particular venom at advertising. Advertising is the public face of a capitalism they revile. Their arguments are, at times, contradictory. Advertising, in their formulation, is the generator of unnecessary mass wants and needs. Yet it also segments us in ways that subvert the American consensus.

The anti-consumerist tendency has been on display here at the FTC hearings on behavioral targeting — and so have the contradictions. “Online marketers can eavesdrop on members of social networks,” Mr. Chester said. Yet he added that online advertising “has profound implications for the future of democracy, for whether or not we’re going to have a diverse array of voices.”

Ads Create Diversity

That latter comment was made without irony. Mr. Chester and other critics seem not to see that the diversity of voices links inexorably to the availability of online advertising. I noted in my first Clog posting from the FTC that the promise of online advertising has contributed to greater communications diversity and accessibility than ever in our history: 12 million Americans blogging; 1.3 million Americans supplementing their income by selling on eBay; 41 million resumes posted for free on Monster.com; 500 million free email accounts from Yahoo!, Google, and MSN alone.

While several of the anti-consumer advocates here today expressed admiration for the European Union’s stricter rules regarding online data use and privacy, those come at a significant cost they did not acknowledge - until Tacoda founder (and IAB board member) Dave Morgan noted it. “There’s dramatically less free content and services available to European consumers,” he said. “It’s not for lack of technology infrastructure. Rather, it’s they are being offered on a paid subscription basis.” Thus is the digital divide larger in Europe than in the U.S. “Online advertising and the capital investments companies are making to get it is a $20 billion, $30 billion subsidy paying for free content and free services,” Mr. Morgan said.

None of this is meant to imply that there are not serious issues relative to data retention and use. One FTC panelist, Kathryn C. Montgomery, a communications professor at the American University, has done important work helping to assure that advertising to children adheres to appropriate strictures. Yet even Prof. Montgomery revealed herself less as an opponent of bad actors, but as an opponent of online advertising generally. “Digital technologies enable companies to track every move, online and off, compiling elaborate personal profiles, and aggregating that data across different media,” she fretted.

But many of the concerns about behavioral targeting lie somewhere between diseconomic and mythical. Responding to Prof. Montgomery, Dave Morgan said here today, “I don’t know any companies that are behaviorally targeting ads at children. That’s the third rail, as we’d say in New York.”

“My Mother” Rules

“I use ‘my mother’ rules,” Mr. Morgan added. “If my mother would be uncomfortable with it, we shouldn‘t do it.”

Equally important, of what concern is it, if the data collected are anonymous and aggregated and used to create more relevant - and thus more user-friendly - advertising? Another panelist here, Larry Ponemon, chairman of a research think tank, unveiled research indicating that more than half of Americans believe that an online ad that targets individuals’ preferences or interests improves or greatly improves their online experience. Fully 86 percent said they would prefer to accept relevant advertising, rather than pay for content. “There is an opportunity,” Dr. Ponemon said, “to educate people about internet economics.”

That is very true - and it’s moved beyond major opportunity to a must-do for our industry. We really have to continue to work,” said Ralph Terkowitz, a general partner at ABS Capital Partners, and a former CEO of the Washington Post’s electronic publishing subsidiary, “to drive transparency, to drive education, and to create policies to deal with those actors who are not interested in transparency, education and ease of use.”